1.
Introduction
Congress Should
- Rein in the President’s War Powers
- Stop the Abuse of Executive Orders
- Stop Delegating Lawmaking Authority to the
Federal Bureaucracy
- Consider the Constitutionality of Every
Proposed Law
2. Limited Government and the Rule of
Law
Congress should
live up to its constitutional
obligations and cease the practice of delegating legislative powers to
administrative agencies; legislation should be passed by Congress, not by
unelected administration officials;
before voting on any proposed act, ask whether that
exercise of power is authorized by the
Constitution, which enumerates the powers of Congress;
exercise its constitutional authority to approve
only those appointees to federal judgeships who will take seriously the
constitutional limitations on the powers of both states and the federal
government; and
pass and send to the states for their approval a
constitutional amendment limiting senators to two terms in office and
representatives to three terms, in order to return the legislature to citizen
legislators.
3. Congress, the Courts, and the
Constitution
Congress should
- encourage constitutional debate in the nation by
engaging in constitutional debate in Congress,
as was urged by the House Constitutional Caucus
during the 104th Congress;
- enact nothing without first consulting the
Constitution for proper authority and then
debating that question on the floors of the House and the Senate;
- move toward restoring constitutional government by
carefully returning power wrongly taken over the
years from the states and the people; and
- reject the nomination of judicial candidates who do
not appreciate that the Constitution is a
document of delegated, enumerated, and thus
limited powers.
4. Social Security
Congress should
allow young workers to redirect their
payroll taxes to individually owned, privately invested retirement accounts.
5. Fundamental Tax Reform
Congress should
- enact a five-year tax cut of at least $2 trillion;
the tax cut bill should
- repeal the Bush and Clinton tax increases of 1990
and 1993, thus returning to two income tax rates, 15 and 28 per-cent;
- abolish the capital gains and estate taxes;
- create a $25,000 per household tax-free universal
savings account; and
- index the income tax brackets for real income
growth so that tax liabilities do not rise
faster than Americans’ incomes;
- not allow states to unfairly tax the Internet;
- end the withholding tax;
- send an annual tax disclosure form to all
taxpayers;
- require a two-thirds supermajority vote to raise
taxes;
- enact an alternative maximum tax for individuals
and businesses; the MAXTAX should be set at 25
percent of gross income and replace the filer’s
income and payroll taxes;
- replace the income tax with a national sales tax
and close down the Internal Revenue Service; and
- refund taxes to Americans if tax revenue grows
faster than personal income.
6. Corporate Welfare
Congress should
- terminate programs that provide direct grants to
businesses;
- eliminate programs that provide research and other
services for industries;
- end programs that provide subsidized loans or
insurance to businesses;
- eliminate trade barriers designed to protect U.S.
firms in specific industries from foreign
competition at the expense of higher prices for
American consumers;
- base defense procurement contract decisions on
national security needs, not on the number of
jobs created in key members’ districts; and
- eliminate the income tax loopholes carved out
solely for specific companies or industries and
substantially lower the tax rate so that there
is no net revenue increase.
7. Reclaiming the War Power
Congress should
- insist that U.S. armed forces not be deployed to
areas where hostilities are likely or imminent unless and until both houses of
Congress have approved such action,
- defund any such deployment that lacks the prior
approval of Congress,
- insist that no aggressive action be taken by U.S.
armed forces unless and until Congress has passed a declaration of war, and
- impeach any president who orders aggressive action
by U.S. armed forces without a declaration of war.
8. The Delegation of Legislative
Powers
Congress should
- require all "lawmaking" regulations to be
affirmatively approved by Congress and signed into law by the
president, as the Constitution requires for all
laws; and
- establish a mechanism to force the legislative
consideration of existing regulations during the reauthorization process.
9. Term Limits and the Need for a Citizen
Legislature
Each member of Congress should
- commit to be a citizen legislator by limiting his
or her time in office to no more than three additional terms in the House of
Representatives and no more than two additional terms in the Senate and
- keep that commitment.
10. Campaign Finance, Corruption, and the Oath of
Office
Congress should
- recognize the conflict of interest inherent in its
writing campaign finance regulations,
- reject proposals to further regulate campaign
financing,
- remove the current limits on campaign
contributions, and
- reduce opportunities for corruption by restoring
constitutional limits on government.
11. Department of Education
Congress should
- identify and list all federal education programs;
- abolish all programs and agencies (including the
Department of Education) not provided for by the Constitution; and
- return education to the state, local, and family
level.
12. Department of Commerce
Congress should
close the Department of Commerce and,
in particular,
make the Bureau of the Census a small, independent
agency;
restrict the census to enumerating the population,
make answering other census questions voluntary,
bar statistical sampling, and scrub the planned
annual American Community Survey;
make the Patent and Trademark Office a small,
independent agency or self-financing government
corporation;
eliminate programs that inhibit or subsidize trade;
end all Commerce Department corporate subsidies and
wealth transfer programs, including the Economic
Development Administration, the Minority
Business Development Administration, and the
Technology Administration;
eliminate the National Telecommunications and
Information Administration; and
phase out the functions of the National Oceanic and
Atmospheric Administration, allowing them to be
supplied by the private sector.
13. Department of Energy
Congress should
- eliminate the U.S. Department of Energy;
- transfer the National Nuclear Security
Administration (NNSA), which is responsible for
managing the DOE’s nuclear-industrial complex,
to the Department of Defense;
- renegotiate the DOE’s nuclear weapons cleanup
programs to reflect prioritization of
containment and neutralization of risk rather
than removal and return of sites to pristine conditions and transfer cleanup responsibilities to the NNSA;
- privatize all laboratories, except two of the three
weapons laboratories, managed by the DOE;
- eliminate all research and development programs
overseen by the DOE or, failing that, transfer
those programs to the National Science
Foundation where they would compete with nonenergy research for financial support;
- sell the assets held by the power marketing
administrations to the highest bidders;
- sell the Strategic Petroleum Reserve; and
- spin off the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission,
the Energy Information Administration, and the
Office of Civilian Radioactive Waste Management
(which is responsible for regulating the
long-term disposal of high-level nuclear waste) as independent agencies within the executive branch.
14. Cultural Agencies
Congress should
- eliminate the National Endowment for the Arts,
- eliminate the National Endowment for the
Humanities, and
- defund the Corporation for Public Broadcasting.
15. Costly Agencies
Congress should
- eliminate the Departments of Agriculture, Interior,
Transportation, and Veterans Affairs;
- close down major independent agencies such as the
Tennessee Valley Authority, the Small Business Administration, the
Corporation for National and Community Service,
the Legal Services Corporation, and the
Appalachian Regional Commission; and
- terminate obscure independent agencies like the
Advisory Council on Historic Preservation, the
Japan–United States Friendship Commission, the
Marine Mammal Commission, America’s Education Goals Panel, the State Justice
Institute, and the United States Institute of Peace.
16. The Expanding Federal Police
Power
Congress should
- reject all new proposals to make existing state
crimes federal crimes;
- repeal all federal criminal laws that address
conduct that takes place solely in one state,
unless the conduct involves uniquely federal
concerns, such as destruction of federal property; and
- adopt the proposal of the congressionally created
Commission on Advancement of Federal Law
Enforcement for five-year sun-set reviews of all
new and existing federal criminal laws.
17. Privacy and Private-Sector
Databases
Congress should
leave well enough alone and allow the
market to address people’s privacy concerns.
18. Encryption and Wiretapping
Congress should
- lift all technical review requirements for
encryption software and hardware;
- reject attempts to foist key escrow, or key
recovery, on the market;
- reject a strong federal role in standardizing
digital signatures;
- repeal the Communications Assistance for Law
Enforcement Act, which treats every U.S. citizen
like a suspect and phones as tracking devices;
and
- prohibit the FBI from deploying Carnivore-type
systems.
19. Regulation of Electronic Speech
Congress should
- phase out compulsory licensing for all
communications content industries,
- repeal must-carry rules for cable television and
satellite net-works, and
- eliminate the Federal Communications Commission’s
power to control broadcast content in the name
of the ‘‘public interest.’’
20. Property Rights and Regulatory
Takings
Congress should
- enact legislation that specifies the constitutional
rights of property owners under the Fifth Amendment’s Just Compensation
Clause;
- follow the traditional common law in defining
‘‘private property,’’ ‘‘public use,’’ and ‘‘just compensation’’;
- treat property taken through regulation the same as
property taken through physical seizure; and
- provide a single forum in which property owners may
seek injunctive relief and just compensation promptly.
21. Tobacco and the Rule of Law
Congress should
- deny funding for the Justice Department’s suit
against cigarette makers,
- enact, under the Commerce Clause, legislation that
abrogates the multistate tobacco settlement, and
- deregulate the growing of tobacco and the
manufacture and advertising of tobacco products.
22. The War on Drugs
Congress should
- repeal the Controlled Substances Act of 1970,
- repeal the federal mandatory minimum sentences and
the mandatory sentencing guidelines,
- direct the administration not to interfere with the
implementation of state initiatives that allow for the medical use of
marijuana, and
- shut down the Drug Enforcement Administration.
23. Gun Control
Congress should
- prevent federal, state, and local governments from
pursuing lawsuits that abrogate Second Amendment rights,
- repeal the Gun Control Act of 1968,
- stop the illegal compilation of gun-owner
registration lists from the National Instant Check System.
24. The Limits of Monetary Policy
Congress should
- uphold its constitutional duty to maintain the
purchasing power of the dollar by enacting legislation that makes
long-run price stability the primary objective of Federal Reserve
monetary policy;
- recognize that the Fed cannot fine-tune the real
economy but can achieve monetary stability by following a rule that confines
nominal growth of gross domestic product to a noninflationary path;
- hold the Fed accountable for achieving zero
expected inflation over a reasonable time frame;
- abolish the Exchange Stabilization Fund, since the
Fed’s role is to achieve zero inflation, not to stabilize the foreign exchange
value of the dollar by intervening in the foreign exchange market; and
- offer no resistance to the emergence of digital
currency and other substitutes for Federal Reserve notes, so that free-market
forces can help shape the future of monetary institutions.
25. Financial Deregulation
Congress should
- extend the Gramm-Leach-Bliley Act (1999) to all
banking institutions and remove Community Reinvestment Act compliance;
- repeal the Community Reinvestment Act (1977) to
allow fair and competitive lending while eliminating the unnecessary bur-den
of paperwork imposed on banking institutions and regulatory agencies;
- eliminate mandatory federal deposit insurance,
allow competition, and privatize the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation;
and
- enact the Bankruptcy Reform Act with stronger
provisions to prevent those debtors who can repay their obligations from
abusing the system.
26. Securities Markets
Congress should
- allow securities exchanges to compete to offer both
products and mechanisms to ensure the safety and soundness of those products,
- instruct the Securities and Exchange Commission
(SEC) to abandon plans to regulate price and order flows, and
- restrict the SEC to acting against cases of actual
fraud.
27. The Federal Budget
- Congress should
enact a peace and prosperity budget that
- keeps the budget balanced for at least the next 10
years,
- reduces the size of government from 20 to 15
percent of gross domestic product over five years,
- eliminates more than 200 unnecessary and
unconstitutional programs,
- reduces the federal tax burden substantially and in
ways that would promote economic growth,
- includes a tax and expenditure limitation measure
that limits federal spending growth to the rate of annual inflation plus
population growth,
- reduces the national debt through federal asset
sales, and .rebates all tax surpluses to taxpayers at the end of each
fiscal year with each taxpayer’s rebate determined as a share of the total
federal taxes he or she paid during the year.
28. Health Care
Congress should
- offer a simplified set of flexible medical savings
account options to all
Americans;
- provide a fixed-dollar tax credit option to
taxpayers who pur-chase health insurance;
- expand consumer choices that increase market-based
account-ability by health plans, instead of enacting a patients’ bill of
rights; and
- fundamentally restructure Medicare to expand
competitive pri-vate health plan choices.
29. Welfare
Congress should
- end the ‘‘maintenance of effort’’ requirement and
- prohibit new entrants to the welfare rolls.
30. Early Education and Child Care
Congress should
- end all federal early education and child care
subsidies and programs and
- return early education and child care to the state,
local, or family level, as provided by the Constitution.
31. Agricultural Policy
Congress should
- reauthorize the Federal Agricultural Improvement
and Reform (FAIR) Act of 1996 (known as the ‘‘Freedom to Farm Act’’),
replacing deficiency payments with a fixed schedule of decreasing payments
that reach zero in 2008;
- eliminate government crop insurance programs; and
- eliminate government support of producer cartels in
the milk, tobacco, peanut, and sugar markets.
32. Unemployment Insurance
Congress should
- eliminate federal unemployment insurance.
33. Tort Reform
Congress should
- cite constitutional authority before federalizing
tort actions tradi-tionally reserved to the states,
- respect the laboratory of tort law provided by the
50 states,
- expand the jurisdiction of the federal courts over
interstate class actions,
- pass the ‘‘Right to Choose Your Lawyer Act’’ for
class actions in federal court, and
- limit the rights of government plaintiffs suing in
federal court on behalf of private parties.
34. Postal Service
Congress should
- privatize the U.S. Postal Service and
- repeal the Private Express Statutes that preserve
the postal monopoly.
35. National Aeronautics and Space
Administration
Congress should
phase out the National Aeronautics and
Space Administration (NASA). To that end, it should
- upon completion, sell off the international space
station to private parties or, failing that, allow an owner-chartered station
authority, not including NASA as the U.S. representative, to provide minimal
station supervision;
- allow the private sector to provide and pay for all
future travel to and from the station as well as station operations,
mainte-nance, and expansion;
- sell off the space shuttle or, failing that,
strictly enforce the ban on the shuttle’s carrying cargoes that can be
launched by the private sector and turn over as much of shuttle operations as
possible to the private sector;
- bar NASA from developing hardware, products, or
services with potential commercial uses; and
- build down government civilian space activities.
36. Regulatory Reform: No Silver
Bullet
Congress should
- complete the economic deregulation agenda,
.focus on substantive regulatory legislation, .evaluate
proposed regulations against a broad range of stan-dards in addition to the
benefit/cost standard,
- broaden the guarantee of just compensation to all
property owners who are mandated to provide a public benefit, and
- approve an omnibus regulatory reform act and a
congressional Office of Regulatory Analysis only if Congress reasserts its
authority to approve all final rules.
37. Labor Relations Law
Congress should
- eliminate exclusive representation, or at least
pass a national right-to-work law, or codify the U.S. Supreme Court’s
decisions in NLRB v. General Motors
(1963) and Communications Work-ers of America v. Beck
(1988);
- repeal section 8(a)2 of the National Labor
Relations Act, or at least permit labor-management cooperation that is not
union-management cooperation only;
- codify the Supreme Court’s ruling in
NLRB v. Mackay Radio & Telegraph
(1938) that employers have an undisputed
right to hire permanent replacement workers for striking workers in economic
strikes;
- overturn the Supreme Court’s ruling in
U.S. v. Enmons (1973) that prohibits federal prosecution of unionists for
acts of extor-tion and violence when those acts are undertaken in pursuit of
‘‘legitimate union objectives’’;
- overturn the Supreme Court’s ruling in
NLRB v. Town & Country Electric
(1995) that forces employers to hire paid
union organiz-ers as ordinary employees;
- protect the associational rights of state employees
by overriding state and local laws that impose NLRA-style unionism on state
and local government employment; and
- repeal the 1931 Davis-Bacon Act and the 1965
Service Con-tract Act.
38. Occupational Safety and Health
Administration
- Congress should
shut down the Occupational Safety and
Health Administration (OSHA) or, failing that, at least
- reduce OSHA’s enforcement budget,
- bar OSHA ergonomics regulations, and
- repeal OSHA’s so-called general duty clause that
allows inspec-tors to enforce regulations that are not published or are poorly
understood by enterprises.
39. Transportation
Congress should
- close the U.S. Department of Transportation;
- eliminate the federal gasoline tax;
- end all federal transportation subsidies and
entrust states and municipalities with maintaining infrastructure such as
high-ways, roads, bridges, and subways;
- repeal the Urban Mass Transit Act of 1964;
- repeal the Railway Labor Act of 1926, the
Interstate Commerce Act of 1887, and the Railroad Retirement Act of 1934;
- privatize Amtrak;
- privatize the air traffic control system;
- remove all federal regulations that prevent
airports from being privately owned or operated;
- repeal cabotage laws that prevent foreign airlines
from flying domestic routes in the United States; and
- repeal the Jones Act.
40. Disaster Assistance and Government
Insurance
Congress should
- require federal government insurance programs to
use private-sector underwriting and risk classification techniques,
- authorize tax-deferred treatment of private
insurers’ catastrophe reserves, and
- reduce the scope of current government insurance
programs and not launch any new federal reinsurance schemes.
41. Antitrust
Congress should
- repeal the Sherman Act of 1890,
- repeal the Clayton Act of 1914,
- repeal the Federal Trade Commission Act of 1914,
- repeal the Robinson-Patman Act of 1936,
- repeal the Celler-Kefauver Act of 1950,
- repeal the Antitrust Procedures and Penalties Act
of 1975, and
- repeal the Hart-Scott-Rodino Act of 1976.
42. Telecommunications
Congress should
- allow the free sale and ownership of the broadcast
spectrum;
- repeal 47 U.S.C. sec. 254, which imposes a heavy
regulatory tax on consumers and businesses to subsidize universal service;
- minimize the application of ‘‘unbundling,’’ or
‘‘open access,’’ rules to new broadband and
high-speed data networks; and
- finally eliminate the Federal Communications
Commission.
43. The Food and Drug
Administration
Congress should
- modify the Food, Drug and Cosmetics Act of 1938 to
allow pharmaceutical companies to opt out of Food and Drug Admin-istration
testing requirements and to use alternative organiza-tions to certify product
safety and efficacy and
- allow individuals the freedom to use any
non-FDA-approved product.
44. Electricity Policy
Congress should
- repeal the Federal Power Act of 1935 and abolish
the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (FERC);
- repeal the 1935 Public Utility Holding Company Act
(PUHCA) and the 1978 Public Utility Regulatory Policy Act (PURPA);
- privatize federal power marketing authorities, the
Tennessee Valley Authority, and all federal power generation facilities;
- eliminate all tax preferences applicable to
municipal power companies and electricity cooperatives;
- eliminate all federal price subsidies, tax
incentives, and regula-tory preferences for renewable energy;
- declare that any state or municipal regulation of
the generation, transmission, distribution, or retail sale of electricity
interferes with interstate trade and is a violation of the U.S. Constitution’s
Commerce Clause; and
- require open, nondiscriminatory access to all
federal public rights-of-way for electricity transmission and distribution
ser-vices, except when such services present a public safety hazard.
45. Environmental Protection
Congress should
- replace the command-and-control regulations imposed
by the Clean Air and Clean Water Acts with emissions trading regimes;
- replace the Federal Insecticide, Fungicide, and
Rodenticide Act and the Toxic Substances Control Act with a consumer products
labeling program under the auspices of the Food and Drug Administration;
- repeal the Comprehensive Environmental Response,
Compen-sation, and Liability Act and privatize the cleanup of Super-fund
sites;
- replace the Resource Conservation and Recovery Act
with mini-mal standards for discharge into groundwater aquifers;
- privatize federal lands by granting ownership
rights to existing users and auctioning off the remaining lands;
- eliminate federal subsidies and programs that
exacerbate envi-ronmental damage; and
- replace the Endangered Species Act and section 404
of the Clean Water Act with a federal biological trust fund.
46. Environmental Health: Risks and
Reality
Congress should
- take back the regulatory authority it has delegated
to the Envi-ronmental Protection Agency;
- transfer responsibility for the safety of chemicals
to industry;
- address the question, What is an acceptable level
of risk?
- reexamine the acceptable risk level it set in the
Food Quality Protection Act; and
- strip the EPA of its research functions.
47. Global Warming
Congress should
- resist attempts to impose costly reductions in
the emissions of greenhouse gases in order to
limit global warming.
48. U.S. Security Strategy
Congress should
- act as a much-needed check on the executive
branch’s reflexive tendency to expand the global political and military role
of the United States under the guise of U.S. ‘‘global leadership,’’
- initiate a comprehensive review of existing U.S.
security com-mitments and jettison those that are not clearly linked to vital
national security interests,
- review the defense budget and make the necessary
reductions to bring it in line with a security strategy that is based on the
defense of vital national security interests, and
- refuse to provide funding for military
interventions except in the unlikely event that such an intervention is a
necessary response to a national security threat.
49. The Defense Budget
Congress should
- reduce the budget for national defense from the
current sum of about $300 billion to $185 billion (in fiscal year 2002
dollars)—in increments over five years;
- make it clear that the reduced budget must be
accompanied by a more restrained national military posture that requires
enough forces to fight one major theater war instead of the current posture
based on the need to wage two nearly simulta-neous wars;
- restructure U.S. forces to reflect the American
geostrategic advantage of virtual invulnerability to invasion by deeply
cut-ting ground forces (Army and Marines) while retaining a larger
percentage of the Navy and Air Force;
- authorize a force structure of 5 active-duty Army
divisions (down from 10 now), 1 active Marine division (reduced from 3 now),
14 Air Force fighter wings (down from 20 now), 200 Navy ships (down from 316),
and 6 carrier battle groups with 6 Navy air wings (reduced from 12 and 11,
respectively);
- require that the armed services compensate for
reduced active forces by relying more on the National Guard and the reserves
in any major conflict;
- terminate weapons systems that are unneeded or are
relics of the Cold War and use the savings to give taxpayers a break and to
beef up neglected mission areas;
- terminate all peacekeeping and overseas presence
missions so that the armed services can concentrate on training to fight wars
and to deploy from the U.S. homeland in an expeditionary mode should that
become necessary; and
- require negotiations with Russia to mutually reduce
strategic nuclear warheads below START II levels—to about 1,500 war-heads
each.
50. Terrorism and Weapons of Mass
Destruction
Congress should
- refuse to provide funds for U.S. military presence
and interven-tions overseas that are not required to defend U.S. vital
interests and could result in catastrophic retaliatory attacks on the U.S.
homeland by terrorists using weapons of mass destruction;
- resist ‘‘anti-terrorism’’ initiatives that would
undermine civil liber-ties and be ineffective in preventing terrorist attacks;
and
- consider using a small portion of the savings from
reducing unnecessary defense programs to stockpile antidotes to com-mon
chemical and biological agents and to train emergency response personnel to
mitigate the effects of catastrophic attacks.
51. Strategic Nuclear Forces and Missile
Defense
Congress should
- endorse the truly ‘‘national’’ limited land-based
national missile defense (NMD) system currently under development;
- eschew grandiose sea- and space-based missile
defenses— which are unnecessary, expensive ‘‘international’’ systems designed
to protect wealthy U.S. allies and friends and provide a robust shield for
unneeded U.S. interventions overseas;
- pressure the new administration to slow development
of land-based missile defense so that the system can be thoroughly tested
under realistic conditions before a decision is made to deploy it;
- encourage the U.S. administration to offer deep
cuts in offensive strategic nuclear forces—down to a maximum of 1,500
war-heads (the Russian proposal)—in exchange for Russian acqui-escence to a
limited U.S. land-based NMD; and
- reduce the triad of U.S. nuclear
forces—nuclear-capable bomb-ers, intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs),
and sea-launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs)—to a dyad.
52. Problems with the New NATO
Congress should
- refuse to appropriate funds for any ‘‘out-of-area’’
NATO mili-tary missions;
- pass a joint resolution opposing any further
expansion of the alliance beyond the admission of Poland, Hungary, and the
Czech Republic approved by the Senate in 1998;
- pass a joint resolution endorsing the new European
Security and Defense Policy;
- pass legislation requiring the withdrawal of all
U.S. forces stationed in Europe by 2005; and
- conduct a comprehensive debate about whether
continued U.S. membership in NATO serves American interests—espe-cially in
light of the alliance’s change of focus from territorial defense to murky
peacekeeping and humanitarian interven-tion missions.
53. Exiting the Balkan Morass
Congress should
- urge America’s West European allies to take over
military responsibility for Bosnia and Kosovo,
- discontinue funding the ill-conceived
nation-building experi-ments in Bosnia and
Kosovo and insist on the withdrawal of U.S.
ground troops by 2002,
- oppose taking on another Balkan dependent by firmly
object-ing to possible U.S. military
intervention in Montenegro, and
- resist the temptation to reimpose sanctions on
Yugoslavia if its newly elected democratic
government does not always see eye to eye with
Washington.
54. Asian Defense Commitments
The U.S. government should
- withdraw American military forces from South Korea
over the next four years and terminate the mutual defense treaty at the end of
that period;
- begin a six-year phased pullout of American troops
from Japan, beginning with forces on Okinawa;
- replace the bilateral U.S.-Japanese defense treaty
with an agreement that allows emergency base and
port access and maintains joint military
exercises and intelligence cooperation;
- drop proposals for enhanced defense ties with
Singapore, eliminate the AUSMIN agreement with Australia, and make
clear to the Philippine government and people that the
new Visiting Forces Agreement does not commit
the United States to military action on behalf
of the Philippines, especially in any territorial disagreement involving the South China Sea;
- promote regional security cooperation through the
Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN)
and other appropriate institutions;
- expand economic and limited security ties with
China while pressing Beijing to accelerate
democratic, human rights, and market reforms and
to resolve international disputes peacefully;
- drop Washington’s implicit defense guarantee to
Taiwan but sell Taipei any weapons it deems
necessary for its defense; and
- remain aloof from other flashpoints that could turn
into war, such as those on the Indian
subcontinent.
55. The United Nations
Congress should
- refuse to ratify or fund the proposed International
Criminal Court,
- be wary of defining away sovereignty as a barrier
to military intervention,
- oppose granting the United Nations war-fighting
functions or establishing an on-call UN army, and
- withhold payments to the UN until the secretary
general demon-strates clearer progress in eliminating inefficiency,
mismanage-ment, and corruption.
56. The International War on Drugs
Congress should
- repeal the Anti–Drug Abuse Acts of 1986 and 1988
and all legislation requiring the United States to certify drug-source
countries’ cooperation in counternarcotics efforts,
- declare an end to the international war on drugs,
and
- remove U.S. trade barriers to the products of
developing countries.
57. Relations with China
Congress should
- avoid imposing economic sanctions against China
even for narrowly defined objectives, since such
measures will under-mine permanent normal trade
relations (PNTR);
- reject the proposed Taiwan Security Enhancement
Act;
- urge the executive branch to be more responsive to
Taiwan’s requests to purchase defensive weapons
systems;
- urge the executive branch to treat China as a
normal great power, not as either a ‘‘strategic
partner’’ or a probable adver-sary; and
- recognize that advancing economic freedom in China
has had positive effects on civil society and
personal freedom for the Chinese people.
58. Relations with Russia
Congress should
- encourage members to increase interaction with
their Russian counterparts, thus helping the Russians to understand
legislative oversight of the executive;
- shift the security focus in Europe to enforcement
of human rights through the Organization for Security Cooperation in
Europe rather than seek to expand NATO;
- press the administration not to lobby for
construction of the Baku-Ceyhan oil pipeline, an
economically unjustified project that has
needlessly antagonized Russia;
- encourage the president to negotiate an agreement
for deeper reductions in the U.S. and Russian
strategic arsenals;
- refuse to endorse U.S. contributions to the
International Mone-tary Fund, which may have
facilitated corruption in Russia; and
- reexamine visa procedures and regulations to lower
the wall between immigrant and nonimmigrant
visas.
59. Relations with Cuba
Congress should
- repeal the Cuban Liberty and Democratic Solidarity
(Libertad, or Helms-Burton) Act of 1996;
- repeal the Cuban Democracy (Torricelli) Act of
1992;
- restore the policy of granting Cuban refugees
political asylum in the United States;
- eliminate or privatize Radio and TV Marti;
- end all trade sanctions on Cuba and allow U.S.
citizens and companies to visit and establish
businesses in Cuba as they see fit; and
- move toward the normalization of diplomatic
relations with Cuba.
60. Trade
Congress should
- recognize that the relative openness of American
markets is an important source of our economic
vitality and that remaining trade barriers are a
drag on growth and prosperity;
- move the focus of U.S. trade policy away from
‘‘reciprocity’’ and ‘‘level playing fields’’ toward commitment here and
abroad to free-trade principles;
- take unilateral action to reform U.S. protectionist
policies;
- renew fast track authority to facilitate new
negotiations to elimi-nate trade barriers here
and abroad;
- maintain support for the World Trade Organization
as a body for settling disputes;
- revise Section 301 to make it consistent with WTO
rules;
- avoid using trade deficits as an excuse for trade
restrictions;
- reform the antidumping law, unilaterally and
through WTO regulations, to eliminate unfair
discrimination against U.S. busi-nesses and
consumers that buy foreign products; and
- adjust export control laws to the reality of
today’s international marketplace
61. Trade Sanctions
Congress should
require that any new trade sanctions be
justified by national security,
repeal existing sanctions that fail to meet the
national secu-rity criterion,
set a time limit on any new trade sanctions,
require the president to consult with Congress
following the imposition of sanctions by
executive order,
give the president authority to waive any sanction
in the national interest,
require an analysis of the cost to the U.S. economy
of all current and proposed trade sanctions, and
provide compensation to U.S. citizens whose
investments are lost or substantially devalued
as a result of U.S. sanctions policy.
62. Immigration
Congress should
- expand, or at least maintain, current legal
immigration quotas;
- increase permanently the number of H-1B visas and
deregulate employment-based immigration to
facilitate the entry of skilled immigrants;
- remove the new one-year time limit on filing for
political asylum and reform the ‘‘expedited
removal’’ laws;
- repeal employer sanctions;
- stop the move toward a computerized national
identification system and the use of
government-issued documents, such as birth
certificates and Social Security cards, as de facto national ID cards; and
- reduce restrictions on the movement of workers
within the North American Free Trade Agreement
area.
63. International Financial Crises and
the IMF
Congress should
- reject additional funding requests for the
International Mone-tary Fund;
- close down the Exchange Stabilization Fund at the
U.S. Depart-ment of the Treasury;
- avoid giving the IMF new missions, including that
of economic surveillance; and
- withdraw the United States from the IMF.
64. Foreign Aid and Economic
Development
Congress should
- abolish the U.S. Agency for International
Development and end traditional
government-to-government aid programs;
- withdraw fromthe World Bank and the five regional
multilateral development banks;
- not use foreign aid to encourage or reward market
reforms in the developing world;
- eliminate programs, such as enterprise funds, that
provide loans to the private sector in
developing countries and oppose schemes that
guarantee private-sector investments abroad;
- privatize or abolish the Export-Import Bank, the
Overseas Pri-vate Investment Corporation, the
U.S. Trade and Development Agency, and other
sources of corporate welfare;
- forgive the debts of heavily indebted countries on
the condition that they not receive any further
foreign aid; and
- end government support of microenterprise lending
and non-governmental organizations.